The Jaysh Rijal al-Tariqa al-Naqshbandia (JRTN), which
is rendered in English as the Army of the Men of the Naqshbandi Order, is a
large and prominent Sunni insurgent group in Iraq. JRTN endorses violent
strategies and is a nationalist/Ba’athist group rather than a quasi-religious
group.
JRTN was established in December 2006 following the
execution of Saddam Hussein ostensibly as a reactionary force to protect
Naqshbandis from extremists such as Al-Qaeda in Iraq (the predecessor to ISIS
from which ISIS evolved). It works closely with and is part of the Baathist
“Majlis al Askeri” or General Military Council which meets in Mosul. JRTN is the
lead Baathist command and is the second largest military force in the uprising
after ISIS (indeed it almost certainly is actually numerically superior to ISIS
but ISIS is far better equipped and has far greater financial
resources).
The Naqshbandia (i.e. the religious movement rather
than the JRTN military force) is a major spiritual order of Sunni Sufism which
traces its spiritual lineage to the prophet Muhammad through Abu Bakr, the first
Caliph and Muhammad’s companion. There are other Naqshbandia orders that trace
their lineage through Ali, Muhammad’s son-in-law and the fourth Caliph. Izzat
al-Douri has been a Naqshbandi sheikh since the late
70s.
The JRTN military force has Ba’athist colouring and is
also led by Saddam’s former deputy, Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri, the last surviving
plotter of those who brought the Ba’ath party to power in the 1968 Iraq coup
(and the man elected to the leadership of the Iraqi Ba’ath after the execution
of Saddam). It is unclear as to what extent al-Douri has a role in the
day-to-day running of the group. He has rarely been seen since the 2003 invasion
though a video surfaced in 2012 showing him to be alive. There are reports that
he requires regular dialysis and if these reports are true, as is likely,
al-Douri is more of an insurgent figurehead than an operational leader.
Al-Douri’s authority and history as a member of the Ba’ath
party leadership has been important in driving up recruitment numbers among
Sunnis. He is a regarded as a veteran networker and coalition builder, with
extensive contacts. Izzat
al-Douri has up till recently been outside Iraq fundraising for the insurgency
and for its monthly magazine publicising the group’s operations and promoting
its ideology through which it solicits donations. He is in Iraq now. According to local sources, al-Douri
visited the Mosul governorate headquarters of JRTN on 12th June in
the immediate aftermath of the fall of Mosul prior to which he was hiding in a
“country in the region” (presumed by many to be
Qatar).
The group operates in Baghdad, al-Anbar, Ninaweh,
Diyala and Salah al-Din provinces. JRTN utilises guerrilla tactics that include
attacking soft targets first to minimise its own casualties. The group uses a
two-pronged strategy which has a so called “defensive phase” which involves
attacks from a distance, typically with missiles, followed by an assault phase.
Role played in the 2014 Iraq
Conflict
The JRTN played a significant role in the capture of
Mosul earlier this month. The JRTN took responsibility for “liberating” the five
bridges that connect the western and eastern parts of Mosul. They have assumed
an increasingly commanding role in the administration of the insurgent occupied
cities. Some of their generals have been proclaimed “governors” of captured
cities. For instance Ahmed Abdul Rashid has been appointed the governor to
Tikrit.
JRTN has been increasingly prominent in this
anti-government insurgency taking an active part in what are known as the Tribal
Military Councils since the commencement of the Anbar crisis in January 2014.
There are three or four strands to the
insurgency:
1.
The smaller Islamist groups like Jaish Ansar al
Sunnah
2.
The neo-Baathists of the General Military Council,
foremost among which are the JRTN. Sunnis who want to restore a Saddam-style
dictatorship but don’t share ISIS’s hard-line interpretation of
Islam.
3.
The tribal groups.
4.
ISIS, the strike force spearheading much of the
combat.
JRTN is very well organised, but they’re not as large
as ISIS and they don’t have the financial resources that ISIS do.
It might seem that ISIS and the JRTN will sooner or
later have a fall out. At a local level there was a minor squabble that resulted
in some infighting over the spoils of war but by and large the two theoretically
diametrically opposed forces have coexisted on the age old formula of “my
enemy’s enemy is my friend”. Ever since 2003, when the Ansar al-Islam group, the
Kurdish Islamists thrown out of Halabja by US Special Forces, took refuge in
Mosul, Islamist and Baathist groups have coexisted.
The
story of how ISIS evolved is convoluted and perhaps appropriate for a separate
report; but sufficient to say that after 9/11 2001 these Islamist groups
gradually grew stronger and they ended up headquartered in Mosul from 2003 on -
along with the former Baathists – and these groups have a history of working
closely, very closely, together, despite their totally incompatible ideologies.
Having said which, ISIS holds a very specific and particular view of Islam,
which is not compatible with the views of the JRTN (a group which only has a
nominal quasi-Sufi affiliation). In any case, both Sufism and Baathism
stand in stark contrast with Salafism (Islamic Puritanism) and Takfirism (the
rejection of those who do not share your beliefs as heretics). Both groups
currently push their religious differences aside to unite against their common
enemy. However, any such Sufi-Salafi alliance is unlikely to survive in the
absence of a common enemy, and in time may provoke a new and bitter conflict in
strife-torn Iraq. ISIS wants to create an Islamic Caliphate whilst JRTN want to
restore Baathist rule. These differences are not going to go away anytime
soon.
Furthermore,
JRTN was opposed to AQI (led by Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi who leads ISIS today) when
the group was first founded in 2006. This past conflict between JRTN and AQI
suggests that there would be tensions between the JRTN and ISIS leadership. In
May 31, there were clashes between the JRTN and ISIS, which took place in Salah
ad-Din (admittedly between local militia men over who would take home captured
oil tankers) and recently there have been clashes in Hawija, near Kirkuk,
between the two groups. Other clashes have taken place, including in Mosul
itself, which are often reported as having been over ideology, but the sordid
truth is that these are invariably squabbles over money at a local
level.
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