It’s possible that with this move to play a more active role
in managing the fallout from Syria,
the KRG may just have brought on itself a
responsibility it cannot handle. The pressure placed on the administrative and
economic capacity of the region will cause significant problems for the
government, and the numbers of refugees will just keep growing. Complaints have
been made by the KRG that they have received little or no help from the central
government in Baghdad
or the international community in trying to support the refugees. Their efforts
are not sustainable without this outside help. Amongst the population of Iraqi
Kurdistan, moreover, there is already a growing sense of dissatisfaction with
the KRG itself, which is seen as stultifying and corrupt.
It would though be a mistake to expect the problems that the
Syrian Kurd refugees will cause to translate into a sense of resentment towards them from
the wider Iraqi Kurd population.
There is a hugely strong sense of duty to help those Syrian
Kurds fleeing the conflict and to protect those still there. In the past, the
enormous numbers of Iraqi Kurds fleeing Saddam’s al-Anfal campaign were
received by their Kurdish brothers in Syria
and Turkey.
The numbers involved in the current situation are large but nothing yet near
the numbers of Iraqi Kurds involved then, and the Iraqi Kurds will continue to
do as much as they can to ensure the support and safety of their Syrian
counterparts. Such is the strength of the Kurdish national movement (the idea
of ‘Greater Kurdistan’) and the deeply rooted desire for some degree of Kurdish
unification. In fact, the lack of outside help being given to KRG efforts to
support the Syrian Kurdish refugees will likely further this perception of
unity, solidarity and brotherhood for the Kurdish people in the face of a
hostile, uncaring region and wider world.
A three day Kurdish conference is to be held in Erbil this month. Roughly 600 diplomats will be
attending, representing political parties of ‘Greater Kurdistan’ – Iran, Turkey,
Iraq and Syria. One of
the hopes of the conference is to establish some sort of Kurdish League (similar
to the Arab League) and to spread Kurdish political unity. It is not likely that much will actually come
of the meeting due to ethnicity being the only real thing they all currently have
in common. Divisions exist between the PYD and PKK and Barzani’s KNC. Political
disunity is also apparent in Iranian Kurdish parties and in Turkey, where
the PKK control Kurdish affairs without reference to most any other group. The
opposition Change party in Iraqi Kurdistan is increasingly strong, and claim
that the ruling coalition in Erbil will use
the meeting’s timing to engender goodwill for their own advantage before the
elections in Iraqi Kurdistan on September 21st this year. The
conference will though set a significant precedent.
Even if these practical divisions remain and nothing comes directly
of the conference (and it probably will not), ideals of Kurdish unity and
nationalism are so strongly held and deeply attached in the hearts of the wider
Kurdish population that they shall continue to be pursued regardless of the
problems caused by the mounting pressure of the weight of the Syrian Kurdish
refugees.
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